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The courage of thinking big

The European integration has always had two faces. The first one based on the institutional, economic and legal convergence, and the other being more social, being expressed in the motions of European identity and European citizenship.

Part of the first pillar – the Eurozone – is now at stake as a result of the financial crisis and years of negligence of mutual control within the European Union itself. Luckily so far the other aspect of the institutional integration in Europe is not being questioned. But we do not know what is yet to come. Several months ago we wouldn’t believe in many of ideas that are now in the mainstream.

Unfortunately, the other element of the European construct – the European consciousness – unnoticeably jumped out of the window the moment crisis knocked at the door. Within days we observed most of the European political elites forgetting about their Europeanness. A vision of a financial crisis possibly messing with the unstable monetary union caused the politicians to step back into their comfort zone of the national arena. Instead of seeing acts suited for the times, as the times of trouble require people of a bigger format and actions of a bigger vision and a higher meaning, we ended up with leaders not courageous enough to be true statesmen of the united Europe.

The sad truth is that no one of them is really interested in acting as European. Each and every EU Member State entrenched in their national rhetoric. Everyone is happy to have same one to complain about, everybody has a scapegoat. The Germans and French has the Greek and Italian to blame for living beyond their means, the Greeks and Italian political elites has the Germans and French to act as the bad guy that forces the painful cuts and reforms. The grey middle zone – countries not big enough or not financially weak enough to be spotted – use their chance not to be in the center of the events. No one wants to jump in as the new ‘problem’ but also no one is interested in sharing the responsibility of rescuing and bailing out the unfortunate ones. But there is no European thinking behind it.

We do not think as Europeans, we think as Germans, Greek, Italians, Poles and so on. Somewhere on the way we lost our ability to act together. It is very convenient for state political elites, because it makes the internal discourse easier – you get the external power that forces you to do things you would otherwise not have done, you have a dog to blame all the non popular decision on.

But on a long term it is detrimental for both the European integration as well as the condition of the economy. Due to the crisis the European project is already pretty fragile, as even a dissolution entered the mainstream debate as a possible solution. If we do not act as a collective, if we do not have and according to a sense of belonging together (or, so as to quote the favorite German expression of Sylvie Goulard, the ‘Wir-Gefühl’). On the other hand, if the markets snd international financial institutions saw a solidary, unanimous Europe not afraid of facing problems and oriented on finding solutions, the search for the latter would be possible in a less chaotic and unpredictable environment.

Maybe it is time for us to have the courage of standing up as Europeans. Europeans caring for and taking care of their co-citizens. Europeans living up to their values.

It’s not about ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to Europe, it’s about what kind of Europe we want

 

During the panel ‘Global Europe’ a very interesting statement was made by Mary Kaldor, the professor of Global Governance at the London School of Economics. As she claimed, we do not need a debate on do we want Europe or we don’t. We need a debate on what kind of Europe do we want and what do we want Europe for.

I could not agree more. There are many, many areas of potential interest and usage of the structure of the European Union, but it should be defined and wisely decided, which problems can be at best solved on the European level and which opportunities the EU gives us and how we can make a best use of it. The redefinition of the role, vision and mission of the European project is a task that still to be done. But it is very important to remember the very core of the whole European integration – which is serving its citizens.

 

Mario Monti on the functioning of the eurozone

Written by Marta Kozlowska | November 9, 2011 | 0 Comments | Theme: Uncategorized

As the former European Commissioner stated, paradoxically the euro project is functioning, and it is functioning also in the Greek context. In his opinion, even when euro project is not working perfectly, it is still fulfilling its role. We have to bring in mind that Greece would have never introduced such deep reforms an transformation of its own society and institution if it wasn’t the pressure form the other Eurozone countries. The Euro project is still working, although in much tougher circumstances. In a way, the crisis is not the crisis of euro, as the euro is just working fine.

The grand past, the fragile present and the undefined future of Europe

The opening of the Dahrendorf Symposium, with a small recital given by a Chinese pianist playing Ode to Joy is nothing but a very strong example of how global the world has become. The young musician, educated in Europe and living here, can be perceived as a member of the European demos, without actually being part of any actual European nation. Whether he feels European or not, he is a part of the society. Regardless of the efforts of some to make Europe a ‘fortress Europe’, it is not cut off from the rest of the world and would rather never be.
Truly, it it not possible to speak about Europe without taking into account the bigger, global picture. It is not only an oversimplification but also an unforgivable negligence of the events shaping Europe today. It is also ignorance of the backlash of the European deeds and acts influencing and shaping the world before it lost its dependence to the Old Continent. The interplay between the old and new directions of influence is an interesting switch for Europe, as for centuries it has europeanized the whole globe and today is more and more entangled in the different forces in the world it ones owned.
The role and global impact of Europe today is far from being clear. The former centre of the world, the military, cultural and political superior, today is more like an old lady with fine manners and old values, who spends days on ambitious readings, balls and social gatherings, but do not put herself in the turmoil of the global events. For years already Europe is a reactionary entity. Europe reacts on the events in the world, but do not claim to have power and ambition to actually initiate anything. Too focused on the internal tensions and interests, Europe is not taking the lead in the world. On the other hand, it is hard to imagine a leader with so many heads. Too many cooks spoils the broth.

In order to understand the place of Europe in today’s world we have to understand the role and importance of Europe in the previous centuries as well as the events that brought about the fall of the world order imposed by the European nations and the European thought. The rapid and unexpected downfall of the Old World was not thinkable even at the beginning of the 20th century, yet it managed to deprive the region all its former power just within a few decades.

The collapse of Europe in the 20th century is marked by three events: the First World War, the so-called ‘civil war of Europe’, which brought the military and economic superiority of the Old Continent to an end. Then, the Second World War, staining the European nations with the moral guilt oppression and genocide. The extermination of European Jews not only deprived the continent one of its vital element, for years building the tissue of almost every European society, but also caused a decline of its global meaning.

Within one generation the most important region of the world ended up completely without significance, facing the loss of their colonies that indeed followed, and with its new power centres placed both outside the continent – one in Washington, the other in Moscow. In aftermath the European powers, such as Great Britain, France and Germany have lost their traditional legitimacy to impose their will over the world. The remains of the former power were reflected in the structure of the UN Security Council, but it was a mere a consolation prize. But the picture was straightforward: the power was gone. It was gone so far that the states in the continent were also deprived the possibility to rule their own territory as a sovereign.

On the other hand, the tragedy of European downfall, the forsaken of the Central Europe to the Soviet bloc for the price of peace, the acceptance of the darker spill-offs of the European dominance turned out to have one positive consequence: it enabled the European integration as we know it today. The cooperation between the Western countries was the only possibility for them to be a more or less equal partner to the United States of America, the de facto winner of the war, along the Soviet Union.

It was also the only way for the former important global actors France, Germany and Italy to come back to the game. France was ridiculed by its shameful defeat and exposed weakness. Italy was not treated seriously as the initiator of the fascist movements and governments and later as a military partner of limited skills and abilities. Finally, Germany – compromised by its responsibility of the war and the Holocaust, humiliated by losing much of its territory in the West and divided into two countries locked on the opposite sides of the Iron Curtain. Starting the cooperation within the European Communities was the only chance for them to regain their meaning.

Today we tend to forget that the construction of the European cooperation was not only about security and peace, but also about dignity and self-respect. In a way, the European project was a bit Utopian wish to prove the existence of the positive, valuable and good part of the European heritage. The possibility to be actually proud of Europe, which sounds pretty natural today, must be a great step towards what the grounding fathers were dreaming about.

Back to Dahrendorf Symposium and the moving music played by Xiao Xiao Zhu, symbolically bringing Europe to the conference room and the conference room to Europe, we stand at the beginning of a two-day conference focusing on the strenghts, threats and opportunities, both internal and global, that Europe is facing today.

The many burning questions and problems that European Union is facing today cannot be answered just within these two days. But aksing the questions and pinning-up the problems and then discussing them is a small input the event can bring to the bigger debate on the present and future of Europe.

The present crisis underlys the political weakness of the European Union and demands financial and political solutions for now and here. But the project is not yet complete. Even if we are now busy with plugging the holes in the ship named Europe, we must not forget to decide in which direction the ship should actually go. Without defining our goals and values, without defining where we want to be fifty years from now, we cannot count on the rest of the world to be inspired and our own citizens to be excited.